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来源：中国日报

美国为什么把中国的崛起视作“威胁”，想尽办法极力阻挠？在中国日报社新时代大讲堂上，英国剑桥大学前高级研究员、中国问题专家马丁·雅克认为，这是一种帝国主义大国的心理在作祟。长久以来，美国拥有压倒性的全球霸权，“美国天下第一”的想法深刻于一些美国人骨子里。因此，面对中国的崛起，美国的反应就是从各个方面极力阻挠和打压。但是，马丁·雅克犀利指出，历史证明，没有哪个国家可以一直做老大。

马丁·雅克

英国剑桥大学政治与国际关系学院前高级研究员

“新时代大讲堂”

英文演讲

《中国崛起是世界和平及发展的有力保障，而不是威胁》

（略有删节，中文为译文）

中美早期关系为什么还不错？因为美国认为中国会西化

中国从1978年开始的崛起是在一个相对稳定的国际环境中进行的，而这种发展有一个关键因素，就是中美之间相对良性的关系。

China's rise from 1978 took place in a relatively stable international environment. And at the core of this was the relatively benign relationship between the United States and China.

在这一时期，美国对中国的态度是基于两个基本假设。

There were two fundamental assumptions that underpinned America's attitude towards China over this period.

第一个假设是中国在经济上落后太多，几乎没有可能会挑战或威胁到美国在世界范围内的经济优势地位。

The first was that China was so far behind economically, that it was virtually impossible to imagine China becoming an economic challenger or threat to American economic ascendancy in the world.

第二个因素，也是我认为更重要的因素是，美国认为中国在现代化过程中会西化。

And the second factor and I think a more important factor was that the American belief was that as China modernized, it would westernize.

因为美国的态度基本上是，现代化的过程等同于西化的过程。所以美国的假设是中国会渐渐变得像一个西方国家，看起来像美国一样，比如采用西式的政治体制。

Because remember the American attitude fundamentally was that the process of modernization was also a process of westernization. So the American assumption was that over time, China would become increasingly look like a western country, look like the United States have, for example, centrally, a western style political system.

美国想当然地认为，如果中国没有这样发展，那么它的崛起就会走到尽头、碰壁，无法持续。

And the Americans took it for granted that if this didn't happen, then China's rise would come to an end, hit a wall, be unsustainable.

转折发生在2008年金融危机

2008年的西方金融危机打破了美国对中国的这两个假想。转折就从这里开始。这完全出乎意料。

Now, what began to undermine these two American assumptions about China really starts with the financial crisis, Western financial crisis in 2008. This was the beginning of the turning point. Now, this was completely unexpected.

自1931年以来，美国还没有经历过这样的金融危机。在这个时期，美国遇到了大麻烦，西方遇到了大麻烦。

America had not experienced a financial crisis like this since 1931. And America was in big trouble – the West was in big trouble during this period.

说实话，西方一直没有真正从这次危机中恢复过来，经济增长一直疲软，疫情开始之后又是另一番样子。从某种程度来说，西方经济艰难地维持着。

And to be frank, it's never really recovered. Its growth rates are still, until the pandemic which is a different story. To some extent, the Western economy has been on a life support system.

与此同时，中国在这期间的情况完全不同。

Meanwhile, China has been in a completely different situation during this period.

中国当然受到了这次危机的影响，但基本上中国继续以和之前差不多的速度增长。

I mean, China was of course affected by it, but basically China continues to grow at more or less the same rate, as it had before.

到了2014年，根据世界银行的衡量标准，按购买力平价方法计算，中国的国内生产总值赶超美国。这一时期，按年计算，中国在全球经济增长总额当中占三分之一。可以看到，双方的发展出现差异。

And by 2014, extraordinarily, China overtook the United States in terms of GDP, primary purchasing power, according to this measure from the World Bank. China by this time also, on an annual basis, was accounting for one third of global economic growth. So you see, there's a chasm in experience.

还有一些其他方面的问题不能不提，那就是政治。

But there was something else we must add to this picture. And that was,remember, politics.

西方本以为金融危机会在中国发生，但它却在西方发生了。西方本以为政治危机会在中国发生，但它也在西方发生了。

The economic crisis was expected by the West to happen in China - ithappened in the West. The political crisis was expected by the West to happen in China - it happened in the West.

不满的声音越来越多，特别是美国和其他地方的传统劳动阶层群体。随之而来的是民粹主义的兴起。这是一个非常重要的时刻，对西方的经济和政治形势产生极大影响。

And you got the rise of growing dissatisfaction, particularly amongst traditional working class people and so on in the States and elsewhere. And the rise of what we came to know, as populism. So this was a really important moment, which began to undermine the situation in the West, both economically and politically.

结果是，西方政府，但不仅仅局限于政府圈，对来自中国的“挑战”，越来越感到焦虑。这个自1972年以来的合作伙伴渐渐被视为一种威胁。

And with the consequence that there was also a growing anxiety in the West, and particularly in governing circles, but not only in governing circles, about the challenge of China, the partner as it were since 1972, was seen increasingly as a threat.

焦虑与日俱增，结果就是对中国的敌意越来越大。最终，对中国的敌意在2016年特朗普当选美国总统后达到了高潮。

There was growing anxiety; there was growing hostility towards China as a result of this. And eventually, of course, this culminates in the election of Trump in 2016, as American president.

美国人为什么不能容忍中国崛起

美国为什么不能容忍中国崛起？为什么它把中国崛起直接解读为中国威胁？

Now, why couldn't America tolerate the rise of China? Why does it immediately translate China's rise into the China threat?

要解答这个问题，我们必须要了解一个帝国主义大国的心理，尤其是美国。

And here, we have to, I think, understand the psychology of an imperial power, and the United States in particular.

美国在一个相当长的历史时期，几个世纪以来，一直保持着一种上升的势头。从1945年开始，他们一直拥有压倒性的全球霸权。

You see, the Americans are extraordinarily over a very long historical period, centuries, have always been on the rise. And since 1945, they've been overwhelmingly global hegemonic.

美国天下第一，这是刻在一些美国人骨子里的一种想法。不仅仅是总统和国会议员这么想，许多普通美国人也对此深信不疑。

The idea that America is number one is part of the American DNA. It's not just the presidents and the congressmen and so on who believe this. This is deeply imbued, I think, in the average Americans.

他们认为自己是最好的，他们必须是头儿。他们不能被别人指挥，他们不会被别人比下去。

The Americans think they are best; the Americans think they have to be top dogs. They're not going to be bossed around by anyone else. They're not going to be rivaled by anyone else.

当然，现实可不是这样。从历史上看，没有任何一个国家可以永保第一。想想中国——百年的屈辱，曾经的地位被取而代之。英国也是如此。美国也将会是这样。

Now, of course, the reality is rather different, historically speaking, because no country can ever expect to be number one forever. Think of China, the century of humiliation – China was displaced. And so this was the case with Britain, and so on. And this will be the case with the United States.

美国经济的相对下滑大概是从80年代左右开始的。但美国一直不承认，时至今日也不承认。一个美国总统如果说：“我们正在衰退而且无法逆转，我们必须调整自己去适应一个全新的世界。”这无异于自杀。美国还没有做好接受这种论调的准备。

America's relative economic decline probably starts around the 1980s. But the Americans have basically been in denial of this. Even to this day, they're largely in denial. It would be suicide for an American president to say: "We are in decline, and we cannot change that situation. We have to accommodate ourselves to a new world." Americans are not ready for this kind of argument.

那么美国对中国这个威胁作何反应？从本质上讲，美国的反应是攻击中国，想办法增加中国崛起的难度。如果有可能的话，阻止中国的崛起。如果不行，至少阻挠中国的崛起。所以特朗普当上总统后没过多久贸易战就开始了。

So what was the American response to China as a threat? Essentially, the American response was an assault against China, to find a way of making China's rise more difficult. To prevent China's rise, if possible. If not, at least obstruct China's rise. And so after Trump becomes president, you see, after a short while, the beginning of the trade war.

在贸易战之后，或者说在贸易战 、科技战的同时，对中国的态度愈发尖锐粗暴。你能看到他们在各个方面对中国进行攻击。

And then after the trade war, or alongside the trade war, the tech war and steadily as the acrimonious and abrasive approach to China developed, you see actions to be taken against China on all sorts of different fronts.

美中新“冷战”与美苏冷战有三点不同

我想说的是，也许可以把现在世界所处的形势，以及美国和中国之间的关系称为新“冷战”。

I would argue now, I think probably it would be appropriate to call the situation that the world is now in, and the relationship between the United States and China, as a new "Cold War".

但我们用“冷战”这个词，并不代表我们要把现在的情况与美苏冷战混为一谈。有三个根本区别。

But just because we use the term "Cold War" doesn't mean we should confuse or conflate this "Cold War" with the one between United States and the Soviet Union. There are three fundamental differences between them.

第一个区别是，美国和苏联所处的和所拥有的是两个完全不同的经济世界。双方永不产生接触，他们拥有两个不同的国际体系。一个是属于美国的，另一个是属于苏联的。

The first is that the United States and the Soviet Union lived and occupied two entirely different economic worlds. Never the twain shall meet – they just had two different international systems, one belonging to the United States, the other to the Soviet Union.

中国的情况当然不是这样，中国与全球经济高度融合。其实在某些方面，中国与全球经济的融合程度比美国还要高。比如贸易，同为进出口贸易国，中国要比美国重要得多。

Now, of course, this is not the situation with China. China is hugely integrated with the global economy. Indeed, I would argue that in some respects, it's more integrated with the global economy than is true of the United States. I mean, take for one thing, trade. China is a much more important trading nation, exporting and importing, than the United States.

无论美国说什么，无论特朗普政府想做什么，他们都无法将中国从全球经济中剥离出去。他们可能会尝试这样做，但在我看来他们不会走到那一步。

Now, whatever the American say, whatever the Trump administration would like to do, they will not be able to exile China from the global economy. They can go about it, but they won't get that far in my view.

他们无法将中国从全球经济中剔除，中国实在是太重要了，与全球经济一体化程度太高了，它与众多国家的关系太密切了，不可能被剔除出去。

They can't take China out of the global economy. It is simply too important; it is too integrated; its relations with so many countries around the world are too advanced for that to happen.

第二点，苏联在经济方面从来都不是美国的对手。顶多只有美国经济规模的60%左右，可能还不到，只有大约一半。

My second point is the Soviet Union was never an economic pair or equal of the United States. At most it had maybe 60% of the size of the American economy, probably less, probably more like half.

但中国不是这样的，2014年中国按购买力平价方法计算，经济规模就已经赶超美国了。

Now, you cannot say that of China. China, already in 2014 as we've seen, had overtaken the size of the American economy, measured by primary purchasing power, GDP.

人们普遍预计在未来几年内，也许是五年，一部分取决于疫情的影响，以国内生产总值的另一个衡量标准，也就是以美元为单位来计算，中国的经济规模将超过美国。

Now, it is generally expected that within the next few years, maybe five years, depends partly on the impact of the pandemic, that China will overtake the United States by the other measure of GDP, which is in dollar terms.

如果我们把时间范围再扩大一点，到2030年前后，全球经济大概是这样的：

And if we extend the time horizon a bit further, you'll see the picture of the global economy by roughly 2030.

这些数字只是预测，不是事实。但你能从中感受到，到2030年，中国可以占到全球生产总值的三分之一。到那时，它的经济规模将达到美国的两倍。按照这个标准，中国的经济规模要比美国大20%。

Now all these figures are obviously projection so they're not facts. But you'll see, it gives you some idea, that by 2030 China could account for one third of global GDP, by which time it will be something like twice the size of the American economy, already by this measure, by the way, it is 20% bigger than the American economy.

所以，中国经济的崛起十分强大，而且根基很深。它在许多不同的领域都显示了实力，当然也包括科技。

So, you know, the rise of China economically is formidable. And it is deeply embedded. And it is showing its ability to perform in many different areas, including, of course, technology.

第三点，苏联在对美关系中犯了一个根本性的错误，那就是军备竞赛。它试图在军事上与美国竞争，投入了大量资金，浪费了许多资源，这是一种灾难性的做法。

The third point I would make is that the Soviet Union made a fundamental mistake in its relationship with the United States. And that was the arms race. It tried to compete militarily with the United States. And it spent so much money, wasted such resources, a disastrous approach.

中国不会犯这种错误。中国不像美国或苏联那样强调军事。中国更加重视经济的发展。

China won't make that mistake. China doesn't emphasize the military in a way that, for example, the United States does, or the Soviet Union did. China's approach is the fundamental importance of the economy.

新“冷战”的结束，取决于美国的转变

对于“冷战”和美中之间的对立关系，我们无法预测这种情况会持续多久。但是，可以说这种对立关系改变的条件是美国立场的转变。

I think the prospect is that we are looking at this kind of situation we've got now – the "Cold War" and an antagonistic relationship between the United States and China for the foreseeable future. It's impossible to predict how long. But you can say or I would argue that the condition for a change in this antagonism depends on a shift in the American position.

美国坚持认为他们是世界上唯一的主导者，但这已经不可能了。只有当美国认同必须与中国一道共同实施全球治理的时候，这种气氛和关系才会发生变化。我认为，这是中美关系出现新局面的前提条件。

You see, the Americans are insisting that they should enjoy sole primacy in the world. And this is no longer possible. This atmosphere and relationship will change at the moment when the United States comes to the view that it must share primacy in the world with China, and that will be the precondition for, I think, a new term in the relationship between the United States and China.

西方国家在疫情中对待中国的态度极不光彩

西方国家对待中国最不光彩的、最令人沮丧的一幕，发生在本次全球新冠疫情中。

And I think one of the most depressing, in fact, one of the most disgraceful episodes in western attitudes towards China was to do with the pandemic – COVID-19.

一月，中国正在努力弄清楚这次疫情是什么，确定病毒、研究应对方法。而西方，尤其是美国但不只美国，我自己的国家英国也有参与，无情地攻击中国，说中国掩盖秘密、不告诉我们真相、掩盖存活率、比起人民的生命，政府和政党更重要等等，诸如此类的。

In January, China was struggling to understand to identify it and to work out how to deal with it. And the West, particularly the Americans, but not only the Americans, my own country Britain for sure, attacked, relentlessly attacked China, you know, cover up your secrecy. You're not telling us the truth. You're covering up the survival. The government matters, the party matters more than the survival of people.

而这时中国正与巨大的困难抗争。要知道，中国是第一个遭受疫情的国家。而现在，你能看到，中国面对新冠疫情的表现从一月末起就非常优秀。

This is a situation where China was struggling in great, great difficulty. Remember, China was the first to tackle the question of COVID-19. Now and you can see that actually, China's performance on COVID-19, certainly from late January, was brilliant.

这些数字是按人均计算的百万人均确诊人数。你看中国可能是全世界表现最好的国家，虽然它不得不最先面对新冠疫情。

These figures here, are on the basis per capita, the number of cases per million people, look at China, the strongest, probably the strongest performance of any country in the world, even though it had to tackle COVID-19 before anyone else.

而所有那些大批评家，美国和其他西方国家，包括我的国家英国等等。一月时，他们攻击中国，毫无同情心。他们本应该把握住多出来的两个月的时间，本可以向中国学习。结果看看他们，表现得惨不忍睹。

And all those great critics, the United States and other Western countries, my own United Kingdom and so on, who could not stop themselves to (from) attacking China showed no compassion in January, had those two extra months to deal with it, could have learned from China. And look at them, a miserable performance.

我想说，本次疫情或许首先是对治理能力的考验。毫无疑问中国已经从根本上通过了这个考验，交出了一份出色的答卷，而美国，在特朗普的领导下，很遗憾，证明是不称职的。

And I would say this, in addition, that the pandemic has been, perhaps, above all, a test of governance. And without question, China has come through this fundamentally, with flying colors. And the United States has been proven under the Trump leadership, but I think, unfortunately, more generally, to have been incompetent.

而如今，中国正走出疫情，创造经济机遇。

And the fact that China is now coming out of the pandemic, of course, has created major economic opportunities.

这清单上（国际货币基金组织预测）只有一个国家，2020年的国内生产总值会出现正增长，就是中国。

There's only one country of this list here, that is going to have positive growth in terms of GDP in 2020. And that is China.

中国的崛起之路不靠战争

我还要说一个方面。自从中国1978年开始崛起，中国并没有真正参与过任何战争。这是中国大崛起、大转型的时期，从一无所有到现在与世界上经济最强大的国家平起平坐。

Let me just say something else as well here. Since China's rise started in 1978, China has not really been involved in any wars whatsoever. This is the period of China's great rise, great transformation, from nothing to now being equal with the most powerful country in the world economically.

看看美国的历史，或者德国、英国、日本的历史。这些国家在崛起时期都参与了很多战争。换句话说，中国在这一时期的发展过程中是非常克制的。

Now look at American history, or German history, or British history, or Japanese history, all of these countries were involved in many wars during the equivalent period of their historical development. China, in other words, has exercised extraordinary restraint during this period of its development.

目前的国际体系无法长期存在

我认为目前的国际体系无法长期存在。我们生活在一个与此前完全不同的世界，一个快速转变的世界。

I don't believe the present international system can survive for a long time. We live in a completely different world, a rapidly transfer changing world.

1980年，世界的经济中心在这里。

In 1980, the center of the global economy was here.

它在随后的30多年里慢慢地转移了。今天，它的位置大约在这里。在这一时期，全球经济的中心基本上在西欧和美国。

And then slowly in the subsequent 30 odd years, it shifted. And today, it's somewhere about here. That's the center of the global economy. In those days, the global economy was essentially Western Europe and the United States.

到2050年，它会在这里，基本上就是在印度中国边境地区。

By 2050, it'll be here, basically on the India-China border.

当事实上的中心在这里时，国际体系不可能再是一个被美国和西欧这些特权国家控制的体系。

There's no way you can have an international system which is controlled by privileges, the United States and Western Europe, when actually, the center of the action is over here.

这就需要一个不同的全球经济秩序。关于这个新的国际体系，我想说，首先，它的核心将是中国，占全球18%的人口。在目前的国际体系中，美国是核心，它的人口只占世界人口的4.3%。

You need a different kind of global economy, a different kind of global order for that kind of situation. And I would say this, in relationship to this new international system. First of all, the heart of it will be China – 18% of the world's population. At the heart of the present international system, is the United States – just 4.3% of the world's population.

换句话说，这将比目前的国际体系更具有人类代表性 。

In other words, we're talking about an international system which will be far more representative of humanity than it is now.

换句话说，我们正在从一个专制的代表少数人的全球治理体系转变成一个更能代表全世界的体系。它现在已经初具雏形，今后将更加如此。

In other words, we're moving from an essentially authoritarian, minoritarian system of global governance to something which is far more representative of the world as it has, as it is already, and as it will be even more so in the future.

西方掌控世界的时代要结束了

中国的崛起，不仅仅是中国 ，还有发展中国家的崛起，给西方带来了很大的危机，我称之为西方的生存危机。

The rise of China, not just China, the rise of the developing world as well which China of course, is part, is creating a big crisis in the West. I would call it the existential crisis of the West.

因为200年来，西方一直掌控着世界，把这个世界当成是它的世界。所有主要机构都是它设计的，它一直是这些机构的核心，它的人民管理世界。它的语言，现在是英语，占主导地位。现在管理世界的人，大体上都是白人。

Because for 200 years, the West has run the world, has assumed that the world is its world, has been at the heart of all the major institutions, which it has designed. The assumption that its people will run the world, that its language, now English will dominate, that the people who run the world by and large will be white.

这个时代就要结束了，这个时代已经无法再持续下去。不仅仅是中国的崛起，发展中国家也在崛起。

This era is coming to an end. This era is no longer sustainable. It's not just the rise of China. It's the rise of the developing world as well.

反对歧视偏见的行动正在西方国家发生，这种变化，不只是发生在美国，它是一种全球性的变化，是不同民族、不同肤色 、不同语言、不同文化 、不同文明的崛起。

And you're experiencing in the West now, a backlash against its prejudice. And this change is not just happening in the United States. It's a global change. It's the rise of different peoples, different colors, different languages, different cultures, different civilizations.

我喜欢中文的这个表达，包容的文明。而西方还不知道如何接受这一点。

I like the Chinese expression, inclusive civilization. But the West has got no idea how to embrace that.

最后，我想说的是，我认为中国的崛起是非常积极的。这并不代表中国不犯错误，没有犯过错，未来不会犯错。当然会犯错误。

And I'll just finish by saying this. Look, I regard China's rise to be extraordinarily positive that doesn't mean that China doesn't make mistakes, hasn't made mistakes, won't make mistakes in the future. Of course it will.

中国还在学习的过程中，它才刚刚开始真正成为一个大国。但中国非常擅长学习。我们有目共睹。

It's on a learning curve. It's only just really beginning to be a great power. But China is a very good learner. We can all see that.

二、帝国时代里TC指什么

答：lz你好,我是三术语,有点长,lz可当了解下即可。abus:土耳其轻炮兵apm:每分钟操作数(手...

三、什么是TC答：TC,也称TCS（Traction
Control
System），中文学名叫牵引力控制系统。作用是让车辆在各种行驶状况下都能获得最佳的牵引力。车辆在行驶时，加速需要驱动力，转弯需要侧向力。这两个力都来源于轮胎对地面的摩擦力，但轮胎对地面的摩擦力有一个最大值。超过最大值，就会打滑。牵引力控制系统利用计算机检测4个车轮的速度和转向盘转向角，当车辆加速时，如果检测到驱动轮和非驱动轮转速差过大，计算机立即判断驱动力过大，发出指令信号减少发动机的供油量，降低驱动力，从而减小驱动轮轮胎的滑转率。计算机通过转向盘转角传感器掌握司机的转向意图，然后利用左右车轮速度传感器检测左右车轮速度差；从而判断车辆转向程度是否和司机的转向意图一样。如果检测出车辆转向不足(或过度转向)，计算机立即判断驱动轮的驱动力过大，发出指令降低驱动力，以便实现司机的转向意图。这样，就可以避免大油门起步时轮胎打滑的现象。F1明年就要禁止这个冬冬了，这对车手是个考验

四、TC答：（本文的许多命令或方法同样适用于TC3）
在开始看本文以前，我先说明一下C语言的安装和使用中最应该注意的地方：许多网友在下载Turbo
C
2.0和Turbo
C++
3.0后，向我问得最多的是在使用过程中碰到如下问题：1）出现找不到
stdio.h
conio.h等include文件；2）出现无法连接之类的错误
这些问题是由于没有设置好路径引起的，目前下载的TC2，TC3按安装分类大概有两种版本：一是通过install安装，这类应该已经设置好了路径；二是直接解压后建立的快捷方式，在WINDOWS下双击即可运行（DOS下直接运行）,目前国内大多为这种,因此下载使用前请注意
路径设置：
设置方法为：OPTION-＞DIRECTORIES:INCLUDE:
[TC2/3所在目录]/includeLIB:
[TC2/3所在目录]/liboutput输出目录请自己设置一个工作目录，以免混在一起。最后还提醒一点：FILES中的Change
dir(改变当前目录）中应设置为当前程序所在目录。一、
Turbo
C
2.0的安装和启动
Turbo
C
2.0的安装非常简单,
只要将1＃盘插入A驱动器中,
在DOS的“A＞“
下键入:
A＞INSTALL
即可,
此时屏幕上显示三种选择:
1.
在硬盘上创造一个新目录来安装整个Turbo
C
2.0系统。
2.
对Turbo
C
1.5更新版本。这样的安装将保留原来对选择项、颜色和编辑功能键的设置。
3.
为只有两个软盘而无硬盘的系统安装Turbo
C
2.0。
这里假定按第一种选择进行安装,
只要在安装过程中按对盘号的提示,
顺序插入各个软盘,
就可以顺利地进行安装,
安装完毕将在C盘根目录下建立一个TC
子目录,
TC下还建立了两个了目录LIB和INCLUDE,
LIB子目录中存放库文件,
INCLUDE子目录中存放所有头文件。运行Turbo
C2.0时,
只要在TC
子目录下键入TC并回车即可进入Turbo
C
2.
0
集成开发环境。二、
Turbo
C
2.0集成开发环境的使用
进入Turbo
C
2.0集成开发环境中后,
屏幕上显示:
──────────────────────────────
File
Edit
Run
Compile
Project
Options
Debug
Break/watch┌────────────Ed
i
t──────────────┐│
Line
1
Col
1
Insert
Indent
Tab
File
Unindent
c:NONAME.C
││
││
││
││
││
││
││
││─────────Message───────────────
││
││
│└────────────────────────────┘F1-Help
F5-Zoom
F6-Switch
F7-Trace
F8-Step
F9-Make
F10-Menu───────────────────────────────其中顶上一行为Turbo
C
2.0
主菜单,
中间窗口为编辑区,
接下来是信息窗口,
最底下一行为参考行。这四个窗口构成了Turbo
C
2.0的主屏幕,
以后的编程、编译、调试以及运行都将在这个主屏幕中进行。下面详细介绍主菜单的内容。
1.主菜单
主菜单在Turbo
C
2.0主屏幕顶上一行,
显示下列内容:File
Edit
Run
Compile
Project
Options
Debug
Break/watch
除Edit外,
其它各项均有子菜单,
只要用Alt加上某项中第一个字母(即大写字母),
就可进入该项的子菜单中。
File
(文件)菜单
----按Alt+F可进入File菜单,
该菜单包括以下内容:
.Load
(加载)装入一个文件,
可用类似DOS的通配符(如*.C)来进行列表选择。也可装入其它扩展名的文件,
只要给出文件名(或只给路径)即可。该项的热键为F3,
即只要在主菜单中按F3即可进入该项,
而不需要先进入File菜单再选此项。
.Pick
(选择)
将最近装入编辑窗口的8个文件列成一个表让用户选择,
选择后将该程序装入编辑区,
并将光标置在上次修改过的地方。其热健为Alt-F3。
.New
(新文件)
说明文件是新的,
缺省文件名为NONAME.C,
存盘时可改名。
.Save
(存盘)
将编辑区中的文件存盘,
若文件名是NONAME.C时,
将询问是否更改文件名,
其热键为F2。
.Write
to
(存盘)
可由用户给出文件名将编辑区中的文件存盘,
若该文件已存在,
则询问要不要覆盖。
.Directory
(目录)
显示目录及目录中的文件,
并可由用户选择。
.Change
dir
(改变目录)
显示当前目录,
用户可以改变显示的目录。
.Os
shell
(暂时退出)
暂时退出Turbo
C
2.0到DOS提示符下,
此时可以运行DOS
命令,
若想回到Turbo
C
2.0中,
只要在DOS状态下键入EXIT即可。
.Quit
(退出)
退出Turbo
C
2.0,
返回到DOS操作系统中,
其热键为Alt+X。
说明:
以上各项可用光标键移动色棒进行选择,
回车则执行。也可用每一项的第一个大写字母直接选择。若要退到主菜单或从它的下一级菜单列表框退回均可用Esc键,Turbo
C
2.0所有菜单均采用这种方法进行操作,
以下不再说明。
Edit
(编辑)菜单---按Alt+E可进入编辑菜单,
若再回车,
则光标出现在编辑窗口,
此时用户可以进行文本编辑。编辑方法基本与wordstar相同,
可用F1键获得有关编辑方法的帮助信息。与编辑有关的功能键如下:
F1
获得Turbo
C
2.0编辑命令的帮助信息
F5
扩大编辑窗口到整个屏幕
F6
在编辑窗口与信息窗口之间进行切换
F10
从编辑窗口转到主菜单
编辑命令简介:
PageUp
向前翻页
PageDn
向后翻页
Home
将光标移到所在行的开始
End
将光标移到所在行的结尾
Ctrl+Y
删除光标所在的一行
Ctrl+T
删除光标所在处的一个词
Ctrl+KB
设置块开始
Ctrl+KK
设置块结尾
Ctrl+KV
块移动
Ctrl+KC
块拷贝
Ctrl+KY
块删除
Ctrl+KR
读文件
Ctrl+KW
存文件
Ctrl+KP
块文件打印
Ctrl+F1
如果光标所在处为Turbo
C
2.0库函数,
则获得有关该函数的帮助信息
Ctrl+Q[
查找Turbo
C
2.0双界符的后匹配符
Ctrl+Q]
查找Turbo
C
2.0双界符的前匹配符
说明:
a.
Turbo
C
2.0的双界符包括以下几种符号:
花括符
{
}
尖括符
＜
＞
圆括符
(
)
方括符
[
]
注释符
/*
*/
双引号
“
单引号
‘‘
Turbo
C
2.0在编辑文件时还有一种功能,
就是能够自动缩进,
即光标定位和上一个非空字符对齐。在编辑窗口中,
Ctrl+OL为自动缩进开关的控制键。Run
(运行)菜单---按Alt+R可进入Run菜单,
该菜单有以下各项:
.Run
(运行程序)
运行由Project/Project
name项指定的文件名或当前编辑区的文件。如果对上次编译后的源代码未做过修改,
则直接运行到下一个断点(没有断点则运行到结束)。否则先进行编译、连接后才运行,
其热键为Ctrl+F9。
.Program
reset
(程序重启)
中止当前的调试,
释放分给程序的空间,
其热键为Ctrl+F2。
.Go
to
cursor
(运行到光标处)
调试程序时使用,
选择该项可使程序运行到光标所在行。光标所在行必须为一条可执行语句,
否则提示错误。其热键为F4。
.Trace
into
(跟踪进入)
在执行一条调用其它用户定义的子函数时,
若用Trace
into项,
则执行长条将跟踪到该子函数内部去执行,
其热键为F7。
.Step
over
(单步执行)
执行当前函数的下一条语句,
即使用户函数调用,
执行长条也不会跟踪进函数内部,
其热键为F8。
.User
screen
(用户屏幕)
显示程序运行时在屏幕上显示的结果。其热键为Alt+F5。
Compile
(编译)菜单---按Alt+C可进入Compile菜单,
该菜单有以下几个内容:
.Compile
to
OBJ
(编译生成目标码)
将一个C源文件编译生成.OBJ目标文件,
同时显示生成的文件名。其热键为Alt+F9。
.Make
EXE
file
(生成执行文件)
此命令生成一个.EXE的文件,
并显示生成的.EXE文件名。其中.EXE文件名是下面几项之一。
a.
由Project/Project
name说明的项目文件名。
b.
若没有项目文件名,
则由Primary
C
file说明的源文件。
c.
若以上两项都没有文件名,
则为当前窗口的文件名。
.Link
EXE
file
(连接生成执行文件)
把当前.OBJ文件及库文件连接在一起生成.EXE文件。
.Build
all
(建立所有文件)
重新编译项目里的所有文件,
并进行装配生成.EXE文件。该命令不作过时检查(上面的几条命令要作过时检查,
即如果目前项目里源文件的日期和时间与目标文件相同或更早,
则拒绝对源文件进行编译)。
.Primary
C
file
(主C文件)
当在该项中指定了主文件后,
在以后的编译中,
如没有项目文件名则编译此项中规定的主C文件,
如果编译中有错误,
则将此文件调入编辑窗口,
不管目前窗口中是不是主C文件。
.Get
info
获得有关当前路径、源文件名、源文件字节大小、编译中的错误数目、可用空间等信息。
Project
(项目)菜单---按Alt+P可进入Project菜单,
该菜单包括以下内容:
.Project
name
(项目名)
项目名具有.PRJ的扩展名,
其中包括将要编译、连接的文件名。例如有一个程序由file1.c,
file2.c,
file3.c组成,
要将这3个文件编译装配成一个的执行文件,
可以先建立一个
j的项目文件,
其内容如下:
ile3.c此时将j放入Projectname项中,以后进行编译时将自动对项目文件中规定的三个源文件分别进行编译。然后连接成文件。如果其中有些文件已经编译成.OBJ文件,而又没有修改过,可直接写上.OBJ扩展名。此时将不再编译而只进行连接。例如:
ile3.c将不对file1.c进行编译,而直接连接。说明:当项目文件中的每个文件无扩展名时,均按源文件对待,另外,其中的文件也可以是库文件,但必须写上扩展名.LIB。.Break
make
on
(中止编译)
由用户选择是否在有Warining(警告)、Errors(错误)、Fatal
Errors(
致命错误)时或Link(连接)之前退出Make编译。
.Auto
dependencies
(自动依赖)
当开关置为on,
编译时将检查源文件与对应的.OBJ文件日期和时间,
否则不进行检查。
.Clear
project
(清除项目文件)
清除Project/Project
name中的项目文件名。
.Remove
messages
(删除信息)
把错误信息从信息窗口中清除掉。
Options
(选择菜单)
---按Alt+O可进入Options菜单,
该菜单对初学者来说要谨慎使用。
.Compiler
(编译器)
本项选择又有许多子菜单,
可以让用户选择硬件配置、存储模型、调试技术、代码优化、对话信息控制和宏定义。这些子菜单如下:
Model
共有Tiny,
small,
medium,
compact,
large,
huge
六种不同模式可由同户选择。
Define
打开一个宏定义框,
同户可输入宏定义。多重定义可同分号,
赋值可用等号。
Code
generation
它又有许多任选项,
这些任选项告诉编译器产生什么样的目标代码。
Calling
convention
可选择C或Pascal方式传递参数。
Instruction
set
可选择8088/8086或指令系列。
Floating
point
可选择仿真浮点、数学协处理器浮点或无浮点运算。
Default
char
type
规定char的类型。
Alignonent
规定地址对准原则。
Merge
duplicate
strings
作优化用,
将重复的字符串合并在一起。
Standard
stack
frame
产生一个标准的栈结构。
Test
stack
overflow
产生一段程序运行时检测堆栈溢出的代码。
Line
number
在.OBJ文件中放进行号以供调试时用。
OBJ
debug
information
在.OBJ文件中产生调试信息。
OptimizationOptimize
for
选择是对程序小型化还是对程序速度进行优化处理。
Use
register
variable
用来选择是否允许使用寄存器变量。
Register
optimization
尽可能使用寄存器变量以减少过多的取数操作。
Jump
optimization
通过去除多余的跳转和调整循环与开关语句的办法,
压缩代码。
Source
Indentifier
length
说明标识符有效字符的个数,
默认为32个。
Nested
comments
是否允许嵌套注释。
ANSI
keywords
only
是只允许ANSI关键字还是也允许Turbo
C
2.0关键字
Error
Error
stop
after
多少个错误时停止编译,
默认为25个。
Warning
stop
after
多少个警告错误时停止编译,
默认为100个。
Display
warning
Portability
warning
移植性警告错误。
ANSI
Violations
侵犯了ANSI关键字的警告错误。
Common
error
常见的警告错误。
Less
common
error
少见的警告错误。
Names
用于改变段(segment)、
组(
group)
和类(class)的名字,
默认值为CODE,DATA,BSS。
.Linker
(连接器)
本菜单设置有关连接的选择项,
它有以下内容:
Map
file
menu
选择是否产生.MAP文件。
Initialize
segments
是否在连接时初始化没有初始化的段。
Devault
libraries
是否在连接其它编译程序产生的目标文件时去寻找其缺省库。
Graphics
library
是否连接graphics库中的函数。
Warn
duplicate
symbols
当有重复符号时产生警告信息。
Stack
warinig
是否让连接程序产生No
stack的警告信息。
Case-sensitive
link
是否区分大、小写字。
.Environment
(环境)
本菜单规定是否对某些文件自动存盘及制表键和屏幕大小的设置Message
tracking
Current
file
跟踪在编辑窗口中的文件错误。
All
files
跟踪所有文件错误。
Off
不跟踪。
Keep
message
编译前是否清除Message窗口中的信息。
Config
auto
save
选on时,
在Run,
Shell或退出集成开发环境之前,如果Turbo
C
2.0的配置被改过,
则所做
的改动将存入配置文件中。选off时不存。
Edit
auto
save
是否在Run或Shell之前,
自动存储编辑的源文件。
Backup
file
是否在源文件存盘时产生后备文件(.BAK文件)。
Tab
size
设置制表键大小,
默认为8。
Zoomed
windows
将现行活动窗口放大到整个屏幕,
其热键为F5。
Screen
size
设置屏幕文本大小。
.Directories
(路径)
规定编译、连接所需文件的路径,
有下列各项:
Include
directories
包含文件的路径,
多个子目录用“;“分开。
Library
directories
库文件路径,
多个子目录用“;“分开。
Output
directoried
输出文件(.OBJ,
.EXE,
.MAP文件)的目录。
Turbo
C
directoried
Turbo
C
所在的目录。
Pick
file
name
定义加载的pick文件名,
如不定义则从current
pick
file中取。
.Arguments
(命令行参数)
允许用户使用命令行参数。
.Save
options
(存储配置)
保存所有选择的编译、连接、调试和项目到配置文件中,
缺省的配置文件为。
.Retrive
options
装入一个配置文件到TC中,
TC将使用该文件的选择项。
Debug
(调试)菜单---按Alt+D可选择Debug菜单,
该菜单主要用于查错,
它包括以下内容:
.Evaluate
.Expression
要计算结果的表达式。
.Result
显示表达式的计算结果。
.New
value
赋给新值。
.Call
stack
该项不可接触。而在Turbo
C
debuger
时用于检查堆栈情况。
.Find
function
在运行Turbo
C
debugger时用于显示规定的函数。
.Refresh
display
如果编辑窗口偶然被用户窗口重写了可用此恢复编辑窗口的内容。
Break/watch
(断点及监视表达式)---按Alt+B可进入Break/watch菜单,
该菜单有以下内容:
.
Add
watch
向监视窗口插入一监视表达式。
.Delete
watch
从监视窗口中删除当前的监视表达式。
.Edit
watch
在监视窗口中编辑一个监视表达式。
.Remove
all
watches
从监视窗口中删除所有的监视表达式。
.Toggle
breakpoint
对光标所在的行设置或清除断点。
.
Clear
all
breakpoints
清除所有断点。
.
View
next
breakpoint
将光标移动到下一个断点处。
三、Turbo
C
2.0的配置文件所谓配置文件是包含Turbo
C
2.0有关信息的文件,
其中存有编译、连接的选择和路径等信息。可以用下述方法建立Turbo
C
2.0的配置:
1.
建立用户自命名的配置文件
可以从Options菜单中选择Options/Save
options命令,
将当前集成开发环境的所有配置存入一个由用户命名的配置文件中。下次启动TC时只要在DOS下键入:
tc/c
＜用户命名的配置文件就会按这个配置文件中的内容作为Turbo
C
2.0的选择。
2.
若设置Options/Environment/Config
auto
save
为on,
则退出集成开发环境时,
当前的设置会自动存放到Turbo
C
2.0配置文件中。Turbo
C
在启动时会自动寻找这个配置文件。
3.
用TCINST设置Turbo
C的有关配置,
并将结果存入中。Turbo
C
在启动时,
若没有找到配置文件,
则取中的缺省值。